Ethiopia had always had imperial ambitions to take control of Somalia's northern ports of Saylac and Berbera. There is quite some literature on that,
Ethiopia had always had imperial ambitions to take control of Somalia’s northern ports of Saylac and Berbera. There is quite some literature on that, notably Nuradin Farah’s “Which Way to the Sea, Please?”
Nuradin Farah writing about the coastline ambitions of various Abyssinian Kings and Emperors to conquer the Somali coast writes: “But the coastline had always remained the possession of other peoples, whether they were foreign powers that had conquered or local peoples such as the Eritreans, the Somalis and the Danakils. And so we see these Abyssinian Kings, their Emperors and their aides change tactic, change strategy, tone of voice, and request; we see them assume different positions; we see them change stands. We listen to them appeal to the Christian solidarity of Europe when it is the Turks and the Egyptians (Muslims) who have control of the Red Sea coast. Then we listen to them as they make gross and unfounded territorial claims later when a European power doesn’t, for political reasons, allow them the free use of the coast. Menelik, the King of Shoa and later Emperor of conquered territories, for example, makes declarations defining the boundaries of his dreamed ideal when astraddle a bed of high fever and anger. Whether for Menelik or for Yohannis, we note with sufficient documentation that the Kingdom’s essential “commodities” are the coast and arms. Who has the latter, they believed, has a chance of gaining access to the former by conquering it. Who has the coast (or easy access to it on account of a European power’s granting the use of it) has more of a chance to acquire arms to help him expand territorially.”
Ethiopia’s ambitions and dreams for the Somali coast never ceased and Menelik, then King of Shoa, wrote in 1878 to the heads of the governments of Italy, France, Germany, and England: “My country is far distant from your country. My road to the coast, to Zeila, Tajura and Aden is at present closed by the Muslims. They prevent my receiving into my country provisions, arms, agricultural implements, artisans or even messengers of the Gospel. Will you kindly raise your powerful voice in order that I may have this way opened to me, for I desire to inaugurate in my country European civilisation, intelligence and arts.”
Let us fast forward to 1 January 2024, and this time it isn’t a letter from an Ethiopian Emperor but a ‘dream come true’ Facebook posting by the Prime Minister of Ethiopia with imperial ambitions. After having Muse Bihi sign over ownership of the Saylac coast to Ethiopia, he posted the following message on his Facebook: “What else can we say except praise the Lord! Let us thank the creator and there is nothing else to be said.”
ABIY AHMED THANKS GOD FOR FINALLY GIVING HIM A PIECE OF NORTHERN SOMALIA COAST
On a post on his Facebook, a daydreaming Abiy Ahmed, ecstatic about finally getting a piece of the Somali coast, wrote, "What else can we say except thank God! Let us thank the creator and there is… https://t.co/9J91k39s2e pic.twitter.com/PaVXbKdL6V
— Daljir Media (@radiodaljir) January 1, 2024
BUT WHY NOW AND WHAT ROLE DOES CHINA PLAY?
Welcome to China plans for digital dominance in Africa via Digital Silk Road. According to experts in the fields that Daljir Media has reached out to, the sudden escalation by Ethiopia comes down to geopolitics and to the Digital Silk Road. Ethiopia to improve its digital economy needs internet, fast internet, 5G internet, and Somalia waters offer the seabed that can host ideal submarine undersea cables.
Ethiopia still runs 3G with 4G only available in Addis Ababa. As such, to boast its digital infrastructure Ethiopia must have direct access to low coast 5G. But with Djibouti providing bandwidth consumption with exorbitant rates, Ethiopia must find an alternative venue. But how, since existing sea cables linking to land-based stations in Ethiopia are largely owned by Chinese companies who similarly pay prohibitive fees to Djibouti?
With China’s help, Somalia’s Saylac coast is where Ethiopia’s 5G cable will land, and with Saylac under Ethiopian control, there will be no more prohibitive fees to worry about.
THE DIGITAL SILK ROAD & THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
China to create a market for its digital goods is making a huge digital investments in Africa, but Somalia is excluded. With the exception of investing in bottom trawling and illegal fishing fleets that destroyed both the lives of Somali fishermen and Somalia’s fragile coral reefs and sponge ecosystems, China has yet to invest a penny in Somalia or Somalia’s digital infrastructure. However, China has invested and is now investing billions of US dollars in both Kenya and Ethiopia.
Now the question: Where do all these undersea cables to both Kenya and Ethiopia go through?
All the Chinese submarine cables destined to Kenya go through Somalia’s territorial waters, and neither China nor Kenya pay any fees or taxes to Somalia. So, how did China and Kenya working in tandem are trying to overcome this obstacle that is Somalia? As members of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Kenya with the encouragement of China had laid claims on Somalia’s territorial waters. Eventually, the ICJ ruled for Somalia, but Kenya didn’t accept the ruling, and as a result Kenya’s undersea cables run through Kenya-claimed territorial waters of Somalia free of fees and taxes.
Somalia which joined the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2015, let alone receive a penny of BRI investment is denied of fees and taxes, while Kenya which joined BRI two years later has received the bulk of China’s investment and still lays claims on Somalia’s territorial waters. In other words, Somalia is a stepping stone for Chinese companies and worthy of exploitation only.
With China’s support, and taking cues from Kenya’s transgressions on Somalia coastline, Ethiopia is now on the attack and is eyeing the Saylac coast for both its 5G needs and for the fulfillment of its imperial ambitions. But China has company, including the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and any country with a substantial investment in Ethiopia, including Turkey.
With all these open source secrets and economic developments, is it possible that the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) is still unaware of the persistent attack Somalia has been under for the past 15 years?
We will let the reader decide!
Daljir Media | Daljir staff in Nairobi, Mogadishu and Garoowe
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